Christian Apocrypha at SBL 2020
The 2020 Annual Meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature, which runs from November 29 to December 10, will take place online. The form of delivery may be entirely new but take comfort, because Apocryphicity continues its tradition of aiding readers plan their SBL schedules by compiling a list of all the sessions and individual presentations that focus on Christian Apocrypha. See you on Zoom.
1. Christian Apocrypha Section sessions:
S30-102 Christian Apocrypha (10:00 AM to 12:00 PM)
Theme: Christian Apocrypha
Janet Spittler, University of Virginia, Presiding
Chance Bonar, Harvard University: “The Place of the Dialogue between Jesus and the Devil in the History of the Antichrist”
The Dialogue between Jesus and the Devil (Dial. Devil; BHG 813f-g; CANT 84) is a narrative dialogue that expands upon the temptation account of Matthew 4:1-11 and Luke 4:1-13. In its Greek and Slavonic recensions, the dialogue portrays Jesus and the devil debating the reason for Jesus’s descent to earth, who the devil’s accomplices are, what happens to repentant and unrepentant sinners in the afterlife, the death of John the Baptist, and the devil’s ultimate fate. Dial. Devil participates in a long history of elucidating why the devil hates humanity and attempts to mislead them, and yet goes further than many narrations about the devil by portraying the Antichrist as the devil incarnate. While the idea that the Antichrist is the devil incarnate is a common topic on evangelical Christian blogs today, this late ancient apocryphal text depicts this exact scenario and has Jesus explain the purpose the rise and fall of the devil-Antichrist at the end of the world. Here, I explore what late ancient apocalyptic texts Dial. Devil may be put in conversation with (ranging from the 1 Apocryphal Apocalypse of John, Apocalypse of Sedrach, Greek Apocalypse of Daniel, Narration of Zosimus, and the Qur’an), as well as how the multiple recensions conclude with a variety of tortuous endings for the devil-Antichrist.
Maria Dell’Isola, University of Southern Denmark: “Time and Gender in Early Christianity: The Acts of Thomas as a Case Study”
The present paper attempts to discuss the image of women in the Acts of Thomas against the wider theoretical background of temporality as it was perceived and construed through the text. More specifically, I will focus on how specific notions of time that emerged in the early centuries of Christian era proved to be a key factor in shaping women’s agency as this is reflected more generally in some of the apocryphal Acts. The nexus between time and the construction of the feminine in these Christian Apocrypha emerges as being particularly interesting because it sheds light on many relevant questions in early Christianity, such as chastity, asceticism, reconfiguration of family ties, social norms and roles. Being dominated by an eschatological perspective, early Christian temporality entails a paradox. The end of times is situated outside history; therefore, it is excluded from the rhythm regulating social life. As a consequence, early Christian ideals of chastity, and more generally asceticism, are to be read against this background. In some cases, the rupture entailed by eschatological time brings about a negation of women’s functions within the patriarchal structures of ancient society. Since the end of times was approaching, a traditional social structure gradually lost importance; on the contrary, the importance of chastity as a means of purifying the body in order to gain salvation entailed a reconfiguration of family ties and corresponding social roles. In this sense, traditional life-rhythms are replaced by a new subversive trajectory, and women can give up the roles of wives or mothers. The Acts of Thomas represent a significative case in this regard, albeit with some variations related to the notions of time construed through the text. The emphasis on chastity, the rejection of marriage as a symbol of an earthly human dimension, the exhortation not to have children in order to avoid the anxieties of this world, the rupture of family ties caused by women who decided to embrace a life of asceticism are all factors that characterize the narrative of the Acts of Thomas and contribute to creating a rigorously ascetic framework. Furthermore, the narrative appears to be characterized by a series of temporal determinations that constantly create a contrast between what is temporary and what instead is eternal. And most importantly, the temporary dimension is associated with earthly life, while eternity refers to a true life. In this sense, although the eschatological expectations had begun to slowly decline, a contrast between the present and the future, with a consequent devaluation of earthly life, is still a key factor in shaping the narrative. Building on this evidence, I aim to identify a set of key features that may define the relationship between different notions of time and asceticism and their influence on the roles and agency of women as they are represented in the Acts of Thomas.
Ulla Tervahauta, University of Helsinki: “Manuscripts of the Protevangelium of James”
The Protevangelium of James is an exceptional extra-canonical text in light of its textual history: the high number of extant copies gives evidence of its wide circulation. How does the text of the Protevangelium evolve over time and what do the manuscripts and their features reveal of the uses of the Protevangelium in its history? This paper discusses the manuscript tradition of the Protevangelium from the material philology perspective, with focus on three particular manuscripts. New light is shed on the transmission, contexts of use, reception, and importance of the Protevangelium. More precise understanding is gained of the individual manuscripts that contain the Protevangelium and other works.
S2-103 Christian Apocrypha/Nag Hammadi and Gnosticism (10:00 AM to 12:00 PM)
Theme: Apocryphal Texts in Coptic
Tuomas Rasimus, Helsingin Yliopisto – Helsingfors Universitet, Presiding
Dylan M. Burns, Freie Universität Berlin: “The Nag Hammadi Apocalypses from the ‘(Gnostic) Revelation Dialogues’ to the ‘Apostolic ?Memoirs’”
Regardless of what one thinks about the origins of the Nag Hammadi Codices or their ?Gnostic character, it is worth contextualizing these manuscripts within the greater history ?of Coptic revelatory literature, because such a greater history is now becoming possible, in a ?new and rich way. On the one hand, the old genre of the ‘(Gnostic) revelation dialogue,’ once ?a central pillar of Nag Hammadi studies, calls for rethinking and revision from the standpoint ?of the study of the genre apocalypse; on the other hand, we have the recent flourishing of ?scholarly work on the Coptic ‘apostolic memoirs.’ This body of literature is deeply indebted to ?the world of the apocalypses, and may even be best understood as the ‘next stage’ of Coptic ?apocalyptic, i.e. revelatory, literature, following the Nag Hammadi and related Coptophone ?apocalypses. This paper will 1) argue that the ‘(Gnostic) revelation dialogues’ are best ?understood simply as ‘type I apocalypses’ (i.e., without otherworldly journey), rather than ?belonging to a genre distinct from that of ‘apocalypse’ properly speaking. It will also 2) ?explore the fruits (and limits) of trying to read the ‘apostolic memoirs’ as revelatory literature, ?by comparing some of the Nag Hammadi apocalypses with the ‘memoirs’ as regards narrative ?frames, general themes, appeal to revelatory authority, and the relationship of these texts to ?social institutions. ?
Jacob A. Lollar, Abilene Christian University: “The Martyrdom of Luke the Evangelist: An Original Coptic Apocryphon?”
Apocryphal narratives about the Apostles exist in abundance in multiple languages. Many of these stories originated in Greek and were subsequently translated into Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Arabic, and Ge’ez. It is, in fact, somewhat rare to find apocryphal texts that do not exist in some form in Greek, even if Greek was not the original language of composition. One of these rare exceptions is an account of the martyrdom of St. Luke, the apostle and traditionally ascribed author of the Gospel and Acts. This exceptional apocryphon has no extant Greek or Latin version, which suggests that it originated in one of the other many languages spoken by Christians in late antiquity. This paper offers an analysis of this neglected narrative about an important figure in the traditions of Christianity. I argue several points regarding the origins and transmission of the Martyrdom of Luke the Evangelist. First, although it is not extant in Greek or Latin, the Martyrdom of Luke does survive in Coptic, Syriac, Arabic, and Ge’ez, most notably in the many surviving versions of the Ethiopic Gadla ?aw?ry?t (“Contendings of the Apostles”). I argue that the language of composition was Coptic, based on several factors, including the explanation of the dates of Luke’s martyrdom. Second, based on some of the odd geographic references, I suggest that the narrative comes from the Byzantine period at the earliest reflecting a contemporary understanding of Constantinople as the “New Rome” in which Nero, the quintessential antagonist, resides as emperor of the Romans. Finally, this narrative participates in a literary trope of dismemberment and miraculous restoration found in several other apocryphal narratives about apostles. I conclude that the Martyrdom of Luke must have been a widely disseminated narrative that gained popularity in the Eastern and African churches of late antiquity and the Middle Ages.
Hugo Lundhaug, Universitetet i Oslo: “Sitting on the Mount of Olives: Coptic Apocryphal Dialogues from the Wisdom of Jesus Christ to the Mysteries of John”
There was a long tradition in Coptic literature of disseminating religious knowledge by means of apocryphal dialogues. In texts from the fourth-/fifth-century Nag Hammadi Codices to the tenth- and eleventh-century Esna/Edfu manuscripts and beyond we find dialogues set in the biblical storyworld between human character, most commonly one or more of the apostles, and a supernatural one, most commonly Christ or an angel. This paper looks at the topics that are treated in these dialogues and the ways in which they are employed in apocryphal texts throughout the period of Coptic literary production, highlighting remarkable continuities as well as significant changes reflecting the shifting contexts of Egyptian Christianity over the centuries.
Emmanouela Grypeou, Stockholm University: “Pistis Sophia and Demons of the Afterlife”
Pistis Sophia is a post-resurrection revelatory discourse of Jesus to his gathered disciples. The text presents a long and complex narrative in which Jesus discloses heavenly and cosmic mysteries along with elaborate ritual instructions. The rich astrological and demonological details of the text are of particular interest and attest to its syncretistic character and especially to its connection to Egyptian, Jewish and Christian lore. In this presentation, I will discuss those demonic entities in the text which may be understood as “demons of the afterlife” and more precisely, those demonic figures, which are described in the text as punishers and tormentors of various categories of sinners in an “infernal” cosmic realm. Interestingly, Pistis Sophia seems to be among the earliest Christian texts that introduce an extensive and systematic demonic punitive system in afterlife. Furthermore, the text serves as a demonological compendium and guidebook through afterlife torments and a demonic cosmography. The analysis will focus on descriptions of this “demonic afterlife” in their relation to demonological descriptions attested to magical literature, Egyptian lore as well as to Jewish and Christian hell visions. Furthermore, questions regarding the Sitz im Leben of this text in the context of specific moral value systems of local communities as well as issues relating to ideas of punishment, retribution and redemption will be addressed.
Ivan Miroshnikov, Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study: “The Preaching of Philip (CANT 252): Prospect and Retrospect”
In this paper, I would like to present some of the observations I made when preparing an edition of the Sahidic and Fayyumic fragments of the Preaching of Philip (CANT 252). I am going to discuss the five extant witnesses to the Coptic text of this apocryphon, paying special attention to the variation between Phrygia and Africa as Philip’s missionary lot referenced in the extant titles of the Preaching of Philip. I will also offer a critical survey of various hypotheses pertaining to the Preaching of Philip posited in the history of scholarship. In my opinion, there is no need to presuppose a lost Greek original of this text (pace James), nor is there any intimate connection between the Preaching of Philip and the Letter of Peter to Philip (pace Bethge). I am also skeptical as to whether the Preaching of Philip is literarily dependent on the fourth-century Acts of Philip (pace Bovon and Matthews). Rather, in addition to the Bible, the text that the author of the Preaching of Philip seems to have drawn on (and so also many other authors of the Coptic apostolic “preachings” and “martyrdoms”) is the apostolic lists in their Byzantine text-form.
S3-205 Christian Apocrypha (1:00 PM to 3:00 PM)
Theme: Beyond Canon (An Introduction to the Center for Advanced Studies at the University of Regensburg)
Janet Spittler, University of Virginia, Presiding
NOTE: The papers for this session will be pre-circulated. Contact Janet Spittler for more information.
Tobias Nicklas, Universität Regensburg: “An Introduction to the Beyond Canon Collaborative Research Group”
Beyond Canon: Heterotopias of Religious Authority in Early Christianity is a Collaborative Research Group at the University of Regensburg. Tobias Nicklas, the Director General, will offer an introduction to the project, its scope, and its aims.
Thomas Kraus, Universität Zürich: “Senator Marcellus as an Early Christian Role Model: The Destruction and Restoration of a ‘Statue of Caesar’ in Acta Petri 11”
In Acta Petri 11 Peter exorcises a most wicked demon from a youth in the house of Senator Marcellus, which destroys a statue of Caesar thereafter. The narration of the incident (a) adds to the picture painted in the Acta Petri of Marcellus, first a convicted Christian, then a follower of Simon Magus, and finally a repentant but now steadfast Christian who receives power via Peter to work miracles himself; and (b) it unveils en passant a rather interesting attitude towards ‚statues‘ (and, thus, idolatry) that is different from the stereotypical one in the most of the other Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. In this paper both aspects will be depicted in detail so that the uniqueness of this specific passage within its narrative context is going to be demonstrated as such.
Lily Vuong, Central Washington University: “Visual Representations of Early Marian Apocryphal Texts as Reception History”
This paper will propose an alternative interpretation to the iconography found on the triumphal arch in the Santa Maria Maggiore Basilica in Rome, which features details unique to apocryphal infancy narratives on the Virgin Mary. Additionally, this paper will examine the intersections between early Marian apocryphal literature and Marian influenced material culture, with consideration to the iconography’s purpose (i.e., dogmatic, didactic, devotional, etc.).
Cosmin Pricop, University of Bucharest: “Retelling Apocryphal Stories through Liturgical Texts”
This paper analyzes the reception of stories and elements from two apocryphal acts of the apostles (Acts of John and Acts of Thomas) through the liturgical texts or hymnography related to the feasts of the same apostles.
Mari Mamyan, Universität Regensburg: “St. Thomas the Apostle in Armenian Church Tradition”
St. Thomas who was one of the key-figures in the formulation of the Eastern Church traditions, seem to have played a secondary role in the foundation of the Armenian Church. The perception of the image of Thomas in the Armenian milieu, however, deserves more attention, since the traditions about this apostle, albeit scarce and varying, are closely interrelated to the preaching activities of the founders of the Armenian Church, St. Bartholomew and St. Thaddeus. In a number of Armenian apocryphal stories, such as the “History of Thomas, the Apostle who was sold to India”, Thomas is called a twin brother of St. Thaddeus. This tradition seems to be known also to the redactor of the Armenian Synaxarion where St. Thomas has the authority to send his brother to Edessa in order to preach the Christianity to the Armenian king Abgar. The Synaxarion then adds that St. Thomas himself went to Armenia on his way to India. St. Thomas had also a sort of authority in an Armenian apocryphal narratives dedicated to St. Bartholomew (such as the“Martyrdom Bartholomew”): it is him taking the privilege of his superiority to ask Bartholomew to preach in Armenia. The aforementioned evidences of the participation of St. Thomas in the life Armenian Church, history, nevertheless, did not endow him with the authority to become the “official” founder of the Armenian Apostolic Church thus giving this role to St. Bartholomew and St. Thaddeus.
Discussion (60 min)
S7-204 Christian Apocrypha (1:00 PM to 3:00 PM)
Theme: Christian Apocrypha
Lily Vuong, Central Washington University, Presiding
Nathan J. Hardy, University of Chicago: “A Spirited Iconomachy: The Martyrdom of Mark and the Death of Serapis in Alexandria”
The Greek Martyrdom of Mark (BHG 1035/6, sometimes called the Acts of Mark) has been described by Stephen Davis as a “foundation legend,” which, in conjunction with hagiography like the Passion of Peter of Alexandria, helped establish the Coptic patriarch as the head of the Church of the Martyrs after the “Great Persecution” of 303-311/13. To a great extent, this makes sense. In this short narrative, the evangelist Mark founds churches in Pentapolis and Alexandria until he is captured during a festival of Serapis and dragged around the city and dies, at which point his body is rescued from a fire by a hailstorm and his relics are deposited as “the first treasure in Alexandria.” Clearly the narrative displays concern with portraying the apocryphal founder of Christianity in Egypt as a model for martyrdom and persecution. But, while the narrative is set in the first century, close analysis of Mark’s death also reveals striking correspondences to descriptions of the destruction of the Serapeum and the lively Serapis cult statue in Alexandria in 391/2. Both Mark and the cult statue are dragged around the city, for instance, but while the statue is pulled apart, Mark’s body remains whole; while the statue is successfully cremated, Mark’s body escapes the fire; while the demise of Serapis signals the end of paganism in Egypt, the death of Mark establishes his episcopal see and cements Christianity. In this paper, then, I argue that the Martyrdom of Mark rewrites the iconoclastic episode of 391/2, retrojecting it to the first century so that the destruction of the Serapeum became a vengeful imitation, even though the literary martyrdom may itself have been the mirror image. Furthermore, because the Martyrdom demonstrates a consistent occupation with the iconicity of Mark, playing on Greek and Egyptian discourses about the relations between images and bodies, I suggest that this ostensible showdown constituted a spirited iconomachy whereby one living image (Mark) can be elevated above another (Serapis). Since the cult of Mark seems to emerge about the same time, in the early fifth century, with Mark’s feast day replacing that of Serapis on April 25, this analysis ends by raising questions about how this apocryphon worked to reconfigure the religious landscape of Alexandria.
Amity Reading, DePauw University: “Virgins, Maidens, and Camels: Redaction XI of the Visio Sancti Pauli in Early English Preaching Materials”
Scholars have long noted the influence of the Apocalypse of Paul (the Latin Visio S. Pauli) on the devotional materials of early medieval England and Ireland. Eleven major redactions of the Visio have been identified and many have been linked to the anonymous Old English homilies of the tenth-century Vercelli and Blickling collections as well as Irish visionary texts such as the Voyage of St. Brendan. However, scholars have not pursued the influence of the Visio through the Norman Conquest and into the preaching materials of later medieval England in an effort to trace the transmission of the apocryphon between the Old and Middle English periods. This paper follows one particular redaction of the Visio (Redaction XI) and its connection to early English preaching materials, beginning with the fourth piece in the early Middle English collection preserved in Lambeth Palace 487 (s. xii/xiii), entitled ‘In Diebus Dominicis.’ One of the most striking features of Lambeth 4 is its inclusion of the image of a chaste maiden being led about and mercilessly beaten by three devils. When Paul asks Michael why this may be, Michael replies that although the maiden was pure in life (clæne), she was also “prud… swiðe and mo / di, and li?ere and swikel, and wreðful and ontful” [very proud and moody, and a liar and deceitful, and wrathful and envious] (Lam4.17a.19–20). The material surrounding this image in Lambeth 4 is clearly taken from the Visio and most likely from Redaction XI, a version of the text that was arguably created for a female monastic audience and features a similar ‘proud virgin’ figure clothed in a nun’s habit. Lambeth’s more secular maiden, however, is unique in the surviving Visio texts. This paper traces the image of the chaste maiden, and the closely related image of the proud virgin, back through the sermons and homilies of late Anglo-Saxon England in an effort to unpack its relationship to earlier redactions of the Visio.
Brandon Hawk, Rhode Island College: “The Latin Eremitic Life of Mary Magdalene: Further Witnesses and a New Version”
For all of the popularity of Mary Magdalene, early versions of the Latin Eremitic Life of Mary Magdalene have been paid little attention. This paper surveys the complex array of manuscripts and texts and presents a new version of the Latin Eremitic Life found in several medieval manuscripts that have been previously overlooked.
2. Additional Sessions
S2-210 Nag Hammadi and Gnosticism (1:00 PM to 3:00 PM)
Pamela Reaves, Colorado College, Presiding
Robert Williams, B. H. Carroll Theological Institute: “‘The Gospel of Truth’: Spiritual Enrichment in the Valentinian East ”
The character of the eastern school of Valentinian thought has not gained scholarly attention in a holistic way. Einar Thomassen (The Spiritual Seed: The Church of the ‘Valentinians’, Chapter Four), following Irenaeus, distinguishes the thinking of Valentinians in East and West. Four Nag Hammadi documents, along with Clement’s Excerpts from Theodotus, expand understanding of eastern Valentinian thought and practices. “The Gospel of Truth,” a homily arguably from Valentinus himself, sheds light on the understanding and experience of Christianity in the eastern groups. For unfolding the religious life revealed in the document, this study will elucidate practices that give expression to the beliefs, along lines recommended in David Brakke’s The Gnostics: Myth, Ritual, and Diversity in Early Christianity (Chapter 3). Outi Lehtipuu has shown that some early Christian writers accentuate the realized dimension of the resurrection over the futuristic one in Christians’ lives (Debates over the Resurrection of the Dead: Constructing Early Christian Identity, Chapter 4). They were shaping the identity of their group over against other groups. The sermon implicitly establishes some boundaries between its hearers and others. Jesus is a teacher revealing to “children” a book with their “names,” their “real” existence. Similarly the preacher, then, continues this role of teacher in his proclamation (see John S. Kloppenborg, “Literate Media in Early Christ Groups: The Creation of a Christian Book Culture,” JECS 22.1 [2014]: 21-59). With such realized eschatological perspective from NT authority, especially Johannine, The Gospel of Truth explicates the importance of the incarnation of the Word in searching for the Father and gaining deliverance from ignorance and error and, finally, repose. He employs memorable images. Deepened religious experience the preacher offers from knowing the “book” brought by the Word. One discovers that material things are an illusion and that what is “real” is one’s name, that is, one’s real identity found in the book, and one’s relationship with the Father. Expressing the mystical union, the document explains that only “full jars,” “sealed” from anointing, in contrast to “broken” ones, will be moved to another “house.” Suggesting initiation, the preacher implies that the person experiences mystical union with the Father and in association with others in the assembly, at the same time separated from “broken jars,” those not spiritually illuminated in other Christian gatherings. This performative feature brings present holistic meaning to the hearer’s “real” identity with the Father and this now revealed knowledge. Mystical union and social solidarity become an experiential reality in the congregation’s life. This “gospel” (or proclamation) about the Father and the Word thus directs the hearers in spiritual enrichment. It adds depth to Johannine ideas about life with the Father through teaching by the Word. The document amplifies NT perspectives on Christian experience at a time when the proto-orthodox were writing primarily with apologetic intentions. The writer of “The Gospel of Truth” seems convinced that Christian groups in his day though knowledgeable of Christian scriptures were nevertheless deficient in grasping the depth of God’s larger plan.
Kimberly Bauser McBrien, Trinity University: “Jesus and Gospel Tradition in the Apocryphon of James”
Like most other Nag Hammadi texts, the Apocryphon of James has received little attention as a source of Jesus tradition, primarily because scholarship concerning Jesus tradition has long been equated with scholarship concerning the so-called historical Jesus. As a likely early third century text, which draws on other precedent Jesus traditions, it has been de facto excluded from these historical Jesus conversations by criteria that would prefer early and independent material. Jesus scholarship has, however, been undergoing a shift over the last several decades, at least within some pockets, as a result of an improved understanding of the social and dynamic nature of human memories. This social memory theory controverts traditions’ being sorted into more and less “authentic” parts and, therefore, has the potential to expand the list of sources considered relevant to Jesus scholarship to include texts like the Apocryphon of James. This paper proposes to attend to the Jesus tradition contained in the Apocryphon of James as a product and production of social memory. As a product of social memory, this text interacts with and incorporates precedent Jesus traditions, particularly those found in now-canonical gospels. As a production of social memory, it repurposes those traditions to fit its own socially-informed circumstances. In its allusions to the sayings of Jesus tradition in particular, the Apocryphon of James exhibits a curious pattern of playing with the memory of a saying, reversing, subverting, or otherwise altering its meaning. In this way the voice of Jesus found within this text becomes that of a trickster-like sage, speaking in riddles and parables to adjure those who would be disciples not only to follow but to exceed him in nearly every way. This Jesus even derides and dismisses alternative versions of his voice or tradition. By considering the Apocryphon of James in this way, we are better able to see how this voice bears witness to the dynamic and social–even competitive–nature of memories of the voice of Jesus in the first several centuries C.E.
Rachel Yejee Park, Yale Divinity School: “The Rhetoric of Intertextuality in the Trimorphic Protennoia and the Book of Revelation”
Commentators have observed parallels between the Trimorphic Protennoia (NHC XIII,1) and other texts in the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament—Gen 1:1-3, 26, 2:7; Prov 8:22-23, 27-36; John 1:1-18, 3:14, 8:22, 12:32-34. They, however, have not fully appreciated the parallels between the Trimorphic Protennoia and the book of Revelation. If one scrutinizes the Trimorphic Protennoia, it becomes clear that the author of the Trimorphic Protennoia constructs apocalyptic parallels with the book of Revelation. How, then, does the author of the Trimorphic Protennoia appropriate apocalyptic motifs form the book of Revelation and apply them in his or her text? What might be the author’s intention for this intertextuality? And how does this intertextuality function rhetorically? This paper will argue that the author of the Trimorphic Protennoia appropriates the apocalyptic motifs used in the futuristic eschatology in the book of Revelation and applies them to the realized eschatology in his or her text in order to appeal to those who were disappointed by the delayed Parousia. Moreover, the author of the Trimorphic Protennoia borrows cosmological and soteriological frameworks from Platonic texts—Sophist and Timaeus—but modifies them in order to appeal to those who were less satisfied with Platonism. This paper will therefore suggest that the intertextual link between the Trimorphic Protennoia and the book of Revelation is a rhetorical move to attract those who were familiar with the apocalyptic motifs in the book of Revelation, but then move them in a completely different direction with some different emphases, particularly the full realization of one’s divine nature in the present, not in the future. Some of the overlapping framework between the Trimorphic Protennoia and Platonic texts can also be understood as a rhetorical move to attract those who were conversant with Platonism at first, but then appeal to them with some different emphases, especially affirming the elect soteriology and the cosmic destruction without reincarnation.
Book Review of Ivan Miroshnikov, The Gospel of Thomas and Plato (Brill, 2018)
Melissa Sellew, University of Minnesota-Twin Cities, Panelist
Ivan Miroshnikov, Swedish Collegium for Advanced Study, Respondent
3. Individual Papers of Interest in Other Sessions
P3-214 The Qur’an and Late Antiquity (IQSA) (1:00 PM to 3:00 PM)
Abdulla Galadari, Khalifa University of Science & Technology: “The Source of Jesus’ Miracles in the Qur’an: Oral or Literary Traditions?”
Some terms used for Jesus’ miracles in the Qur’an may provide us with clues of what the Qur’an is engaging with. In the Qur’an, the term for “blind” is mostly rooted in “?-m-y.” The two exceptions occur when listing Jesus healing the blind using “k-m-h” (i.e., Qur’an 3:49, 5:110). While not used by the Peshitta, the term is used in the seventh century Syriac Apocalypse of Daniel. The Qur’an also uses the Greek rendition of leprosy (al-abra?) (i.e., Qur’an 3:49, 5:110), instead of the Semitic equivalent, “j(g)-r-b,” which the Peshitta uses. Sebastian Brock suggests that Hellenization overwhelmed the Syriac churches in the fifth century causing newer versions to emerge that are more faithful to the Greek texts. Originally, the Peshitta did not include some antilegomena, such as some epistles and the Book of Revelation. Around the fifth/sixth century, some of the antilegomena were introduced into the Syriac New Testament, such as the Philoxenian version. The Harklean version was later translated in the seventh century and was more faithful to the Greek New Testament. Isaac Hall had identified peculiarities between the Harklean version and the Peshitta describing how some terms in the Harklean version were not simply translated from Greek, but transliterated instead. If the Qur’an is engaging with some Christian texts or oral traditions, then it may be using the Syriac that are more faithful to their Greek counterparts. The Qur’an was unlikely using a Greek origin and translating it, as it would bring into question why not translate blind to “a?m?” instead of “akmah,” to be consistent with the rest of the Qur’an. Using “akmah,” which is also used in seventh century Syriac literature, might suggest that the text or oral tradition is more likely Syriac, but a hybrid one that transliterates Greek terms and trying to remain faithful to the Greek texts. Additionally, the Qur’an is more likely engaging with a text instead of an oral tradition, because, orally, the Greek transliterations would not be colloquially used in either spoken Syriac or Arabic, especially when more popular terms exist in the native languages. Therefore, the emphasis of the Peshitta’s impact on the Qur’an in some recent scholarship seems a bit over-rated. The Qur’an appears to have been aware of hybrid Syriac/Greek texts, such as the Harklean version. In addition, the over-emphasis that the Qur’an is most likely engaging with oral tradition instead of literary tradition is also over-rated.
Ulla Tervahauta, University of Helsinki: “Mary, Holy Woman of the Desert and the Virgin Mother”
There is a certain amount of ambiguity between different early Christian Marys that begins with the earliest gospels, and Mary continues to be a multifaceted figure in late antiquity. This paper takes as its starting point the Qur’anic Mary and traces late antique Christian traditions behind Sura Maryam and Sura al-Imran. The impact of extra-canonical traditions, in particular, the Protevangelium of James, is evident. However, this paper argues that the Qur’anic Mary carries in herself more than apocryphal Marys. Mary in the Qur’an is a virgin mother and a holy woman. She is ascete who withdraws, controls her eating and her communications with people. Stories of holy women, found in monastic author’s works, are reflected in Sura Maryam. To appreciate the Qur’anic Mary, it is therefore necessary to look wider than the biblical or extra-canonical literature. Narratives of desert women are found in Palestinian monastic traditions, and this context will be brought into discussion of the Mary in the Qur’an.
S8-308 Redescribing Christian Origins (5:00 PM to 7:00 PM)
M. David Litwa, ACU Institute for Religion and Critical Inquiry: “Theorizing Alternative ‘Gnostic’ Christianities”
The discourse of Christian origins presupposed by ancient and modern understandings of “ecclesiastical history” still affects how scholars categorize alternative (“gnostic”) Christian movements of the second century CE. It is sometimes thought that heresiologists like Irenaeus presented gnostic and Valentinian movements as explicitly Christian heresies. In fact Irenaeus, among others, did everything he could to present so-called Valentinians and gnostics as genealogically dependent on what he thought of as Jewish heresy (Samaritanism), as well as from ancient polytheistic religions. The inclination to categorize “gnostic” movements as born in “renegade Judaism,” “Samaritanism,” or Egyptian religiosity became mainstream scholarly discourse in the 20th century and continues to be represented in the field. This problem of categorization (the propensity to perceive of “gnostics” as anything but Christian) is compounded by the continued tendency to prioritize heresiological texts and categories over the “native” categories preserved in alternative Christian texts, whether excerpted in Greek or preserved in Coptic. Among introductions to alternative Christianities (Valentinian, Sethian, Ophite, Marcionite etc.), Irenaeus and other heresiologists are still often the first port of a call, allowing them to lay down the framework of perception. This procedure is methodologically suspect. Instead, heresiological texts and categories need *always* to be judged by the criteria and categories of the “native informants,” the many alternative Christian groups who worshiped Christ in their own distinctive ways.
S9-103 Ethiopic Bible and Literature (10:00 AM to 12:00 PM)
Jeremy R. Brown, Catholic University of America: “Foundations of a Genre: The Early Corpus of the Ethiopic Miracles of Mary”
The Miracles of Mary (Tä’ämmerä Maryam) is a widely-copied and foundation work in the Ethiopian Orthodox tradition. It is thought that the Miracles of Mary were translated from Arabic into Ethiopic in the fourteenth century during the reign of Emperor Dawit II (r. 1379/80–1413). Emperor Zär’a Ya‘eqob (r. 1434–1468) then elevates this work as a central element of the reverence of Mary, introduces it into the liturgy, and commissions the copying and dispersal of Miracles of Mary manuscripts. This project will analyze the earliest extant manuscripts of the Miracles of Mary, such as EMML 9002 and a contemporary manuscript kept at Betä Lehem Gayent. It will then track the development of the corpus of miracles through the reign of Zär’a Ya‘eqob and into the early decades of the sixteenth century. This project will explore a number of questions that remain about the early development of the Miracles of Mary in Ethiopia. For instance, do manuscripts that contain smaller collections of miracles limit themselves to those seventy five miracles initially translated from Arabic and attested in EMML 9002 or do they quickly add and expand the corpus of miracles? The manuscript of the Miracles of Mary in the Biblioteca Giovardiana in Veroli attests one hundred and fifty miracles and demonstrates that the corpus of miracles had at least doubled from the number initial translated from Arabic by the reign of Lebnä Dengel (r. 1508–1540). This project will explore the development of the corpus of the Miracles of Mary between the initial translation event and the reign of Lebnä Dengel.
S9-201 Ancient Fiction and Early Christian and Jewish Narrative (1:00 PM to 3:00 PM)
Jeannie Sellick, University of Virginia: “Virgin Acts: Blinding, Castration, and the Violence of Male Chastity”
As many scholars have noted, among the loosely associated 2nd century Apocryphal Acts of the apostles, the Acts of John is an outlier. Although none of the acts can be considered “pro-sex,” the Acts of John has a particularly fraught relationship to male sexuality — replete with necrophilia, penis severing, and even a divinely given illness to prevent marriage. Male sexuality in the Acts of John is uniquely violent, yet this violence often functions as the catalyst for conversion. In addition to, or maybe even because of this fraught relationship, John himself also stands out amongst his apostolic peers. It is well attested in the apocryphal Johannine literature that John is not merely the “beloved” disciple but also the virginal apostle. John converts married men with relative ease, is the only apostle not to be martyred, and he is the only explicitly virgin apostle. Not only is John a virgin, but Jesus has an active interest in maintaining John’s sexual state, even blinding his beloved apostle for two years when he tries to get married. For this paper, I explore the relationship between male chastity, virginity, and violence in the Acts of John. Following Virginia Burrus and Amy Hollywood’s description of queerness as a challenge to normative discourses of sexuality, I argue that John, is “queered” through his virginity and his presentation as a “bride of Christ.” As with other men in the Acts of John, the apostle’s ultimate submission to Christ is precipitated by an attempted sexual exploit (marriage) with an associated act of violence – Christ blinding him. Yet it is this violence that ultimately gives way to John’s unique and special relationship with Jesus. Like with the phenomenon of the later “female men of God,” John’s virginity breaks the gendered binary and places him in a liminal “third space” that allows him to challenge hegemonic masculinity. The queerness of chastity, both for John and the other men of the text, is positive. Chastity creates unique power, provides access to the divine, and, ultimately, it is presented as far more “normative” than the violence of sex. To put it plainly, the Acts of John attempts to reinscribe traditional sexual values by making chastity “normative” and all sex violent. Along with examining this phenomenon within the acts of John itself, I also consider how later church fathers treat John’s virginity and confirm the apostle’s special nature. Specifically, I explore how the 4th century presbyter, Jerome, appropriates John’s “virgin queerness” in his polemical treatise, Adversus Jovinianum. While Jerome is comfortable with depicting John’s virginity as non-normative yet special, he significantly mitigates the violence associated with John’s lifelong chastity. This paper sheds light not only on the specifics of the Johannine virgin tradition but also provides insight into the wider conversations surrounding male virginity in late antiquity.